Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a proliferation of conflicts in the world, characterized by strong ethnic, tribal and communal hostilities and widespread forced displacement of people. Most obviously, the collapse of the Soviet Union resulted in major conflicts in the Caucuses as the disappearance of the communist state apparatus and the concomitant struggle for power and territory in Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Chechnya has uprooted over two million people in recent years. States which once enjoyed the support of powerful nations -- such as Somalia, Angola, Afghanistan, and Yugoslavia -- have dissolved. In the dissolution of governmental authority, for example in Somalia, Liberia and Rwanda, political and administrative structures have been destroyed, society has been fragmented, and power has passed into the hands of local warlords and military leaders. With the collapse of governmental authority and with the erosion of traditional norms and standards, political and social conflict has assumed particularly brutal forms. When society disintegrates, bandits and warlords spring up to take advantage of the situation, provoking unusually large and rapid population displacements. Armed combatants are frequently not paid and rely on extortion and looting for survival. Personal enrichment has replaced political or ideological motivations for war. In Liberia, for example, more than 50% of the country's 2.3 million people were displaced. In Rwanda, half a million people were massacred in the first half of 1994, followed by an exodus of around 2 million refugees to Tanzania and Zaire -- most arriving in a single week.

Such situations create war-based economies, dependent on exports of natural resources, narcotics trafficking, and remittances from diaspora communities, and they are difficult to change even when a peace agreement is signed.

The easy availability of small arms and land-mines fuels conflicts as arms traders vie with one another in providing weapons to warlords who often pay for the weapons by looting the countries' natural resources. The burgeoning arms trade in countries once dominated by the Soviet Union and now facing serious economic problems is just one factor in this. Weapons producers have been forced to find new markets as Western governments have, albeit unevenly, reduced their purchases of arms for their militaries.

As the WCC Central Committee recently stated, "Today's conflicts are characterized by an increasing number of civilian casualties and are fuelled by an arms trade of unprecedented proportions. In fact, far from being the unintended victims of warfare, civilian populations have increasingly become the targets of military action. In conflicts in which enemies are demonized, and villages and entire populations have become the targets of military action in which children and women suffer disproportionately." (WCC, Central Committee, Memorandum and Recommendations on Response to Armed Conflict and International Law, September 1999). In many of the conflicts in the world today, population displacement is an explicit objective of warring parties. In former Yugoslavia, for example, terrorizing civilian populations was a way to get certain ethnic groups out of a particular region, enabling the territory to then be claimed by the ‘victorious’ side.

The end of the Cold War has also meant that countries which once could negotiate with either superpower for protection now find that they have little strategic value to the United States and that Russia is in no position to be able to provide assistance. Moreover, the forces of globalization in which economic interests operate across borders with little impediment, has meant that states generally have lost power.

While we are particularly concerned about the proliferation of conflicts, it is important to acknowledge that there have been some positive developments as well. The resolution of brutal conflicts in Mozambique, South Africa and Namibia is a source of inspiration and hope. Increased international attention is being paid to human rights. As a recent UNHCR publication states, "With the collapse of the Soviet bloc and the strategic marginalization of many non-aligned states, the values of the industrialized countries, with their strong emphasis on individual and political freedoms, have assumed a prominent position in the human rights discourse. Moreover, by linking loans, grants and other forms of development assistance to notions such as democratization and 'good governance,' the more affluent states and the international financial organizations also have the capacity to impose such values on poorer countries." (UNHCR, The State of the World's Refugees, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 40).

The trend toward democracy is clear. The number of states with civilian governments appointed by means of competitive elections has doubled since 1984. (L. Diamond, Promoting Democracy in the 1990s: Actors and Instruments, Issues and Instruments, New York: Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, 1995, p. 9.) Entire regions that once had authoritarian governments -- the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, and South America, for example, have taken important steps toward democracy.

In some ways, the United Nations has blossomed with the end of the Cold War. The number of peace-keeping operations has dramatically increased in the post-Cold War period. But the failure of the United Nations in Rwanda (on the withdrawal of peace-keeping forces an estimated 8,000 people were killed in the UN 'safe area' in Srebrenica) and the erosion of the authority of the United Nations in the Kosovo crisis are cause for concern. As the WCC Central Committee Memorandum states, "NATO decisions and actions with respect to Kosovo sidelined and undercut the authority of the United Nations, its Security Council and its specialized agencies, which have been constituted with the mandate to guide and conduct humanitarian operations, and led to violations of fundamental principles of international humanitarian law, especially with respect to the treatment of refugees. They effectively barred the Secretary-General from exercising his impartial mediating role, and blocked him from pursuing negotiations for a non-violent resolution. He and the UN as a whole were virtually excluded from the NATO-led Rambouillet negotiations held under the imminent threat of military intervention. Moreover, questions have been raised about the precedents set in Kosovo for the further development of a new NATO strategy and role in the world." (WCC, Memorandum, op cit., para. 7.)

Issues of forced displacement have achieved a new visibility on the international scene with discussions in the UN Security Council and other fora. "This development derives in part from the changing nature of the international security agenda, the central role of forced displacement in so many of the world's recent crises, and the fear that growing numbers of uprooted people might try to make their way to richer and more stable parts of the globe. But there is little doubt that the intensive media coverage given to the plight of displaced people has also forced governments and other actors to address the situation of uprooted people, even when they might have preferred to do nothing." (UNHCR, The State of the World's Refugees, New York: Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 35.)

While the numbers of forcibly displaced people have increased in recent years, the traditional solutions have all become increasingly inadequate. No government in the world wants refugees showing up, unannounced, on their borders. Governments of Northern countries, originally the bulwarks of the international refugee regime, are now imposing ever more sophisticated measures designed to prevent asylum-seekers from arriving on their borders. Host countries bordering refugee-producing countries, are experiencing declining economies, environmental degradation, increased competition for jobs and land, rising crime levels and increasing social tensions -- often as a result of austerity packages imposed by international financial institutions. When structural adjustment policies mean that governments have to reduce education and health programmes for their own citizens, for example, their reluctance to accept the victims of another country's wars is understandable. And governments of Southern countries rightly question why they should be asked to have generous asylum policies when their Northern counterparts are busily keeping people out.

As wars drag on, repatriation becomes less likely. Moreover, in areas where there has been 'ethnic cleansing,' refugees often find that they are unable to return to their communities of origin as their homes and land are occupied by others. Thus, in Bosnia, four years after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, less than one-fourth of the refugees have been able to return.

In the last decade there has been a tremendous growth in the number of humanitarian organizations, and the budgets of official donors have shifted from development to emergency response. Humanitarian organizations are now working in areas of open warfare and staff are often threatened and traumatized by the experience. The nature of conflicts in today's world has meant that humanitarian organizations -- both UN and NGOs -- are now planning programmes in areas where they once would have withdrawn their staff. The proliferation of crises has also meant that responses are developed in an ad hoc, uncoordinated fashion. Moreover, it seems that governments sometimes use humanitarian assistance as a substitute for their inability to take the necessary political measures to resolve conflicts.

The media-driven nature of humanitarian response is becoming increasingly obvious. The massive outpouring of assistance to refugees from Kosovo stands in stark contrast to the apparent indifference of Northern powers to equally tragic situations, such as Sudan and Angola, in other parts of the world. Donors provided an estimated US$2 billion in humanitarian assistance in the first two weeks of the Rwandese refugee crisis. One can't help but wonder if the genocide could have been prevented if the donors had contributed even a fraction of this amount to conflict-prevention initiatives.

While the difficulties in providing humanitarian assistance used to be primarily logistical, today it is the ethical issues that cause the greatest concern. Should assistance be provided to individuals who are implicated in massive human rights violations, as was the case in Rwanda? When terrorized civilians seek to flee, as in Bosnia, should the international community assist them in doing so -- even when it means contributing to ethnic cleansing? Does humanitarian assistance keep the wars going? In some situations, such as Liberia and Somalia, international relief, even food distribution, has been used to fuel the activities of the warlords. Does provision of relief to refugees -- when there are equally serious needs among the local populations -- actually contribute to social tension by fuelling resentment of the preferential treatment accorded to refugees? We know that in some cases, even well-meaning humanitarian assistance has exacerbated conflict as agencies, perhaps unwittingly, target their assistance to a particular group over another.

The more active involvement of non-refugee organizations -- NATO, OSCE, World Bank and regional organizations such as the Commonwealth of Independent States (Former Soviet Union) and Organization of African Unity -- is perhaps a positive sign of growing international concern with the plight of uprooted people. But questions are raised -- particularly in the light of Kosovo -- about the blurring of military and humanitarian assistance.

Another positive sign has been the much greater awareness of the particular needs of internally displaced people (IDPs). When this issue was first raised at the UN Commission on Human Rights in the late 1980s, few people were talking about the need for protection of IDPs. Over the years a wide array of humanitarian, human rights and development organizations have provided protection, assistance, reintegration and development support to IDPs, but, as a recent study concludes, the overall response has been "highly uneven, poorly coordinated and characterized by neglect of protection and human rights." (Roberta Cohen, Recent trends in protection and assistance for Internally Displaced People: A Global Survey, London, Earthscan Publications, 1998, p. 5.)

In 1998, Francis M Deng, representative of the UN Secretary-General on Internally Displaced Persons presented a set of "Guiding principles on internal displacement" to the UN Human Rights Commission which sets forth the rights of IDPs and obligations of governments and combatants in all phases of displacement. Although the guiding principles are not legally binding, they are valuable for monitoring the treatment of IDPs. In 1997, the UN's Emergency Relief Coordinator was given responsibility for ensuring that the protection and assistance needs of IDPs are addressed, but much work remains to be done in this area.

The Churches have long been involved in ministry to uprooted people, whether refugees, internally displaced people or other forced migrants. In many situations of uprooting, refugees turn first to the Churches -- and long after UN and other organizations have left an area, the Churches continue to provide for the needs of people unable to return home. Increasingly the Churches are called to become more active in addressing the causes of uprooting of people.

Among other measures, the following are areas where Churches and individual Christians can take action to prevent, mitigate, and/or resolve conflicts.

1. Analysis and understanding the causes of conflicts. The reasons behind today's wars and conflicts are usually complex. For example, ethnic conflicts may have their roots in a region's colonial history, be exacerbated by current economic realities, and be manipulated by political leaders. Understanding the reasons behind the conflicts may suggest ways in which the Churches can address the causes.

2. Peace education. Through their educational programmes -- whether church-run schools or religious education -- the Churches are in a position to contribute to tolerance and mutual understanding. By talking about ethnic and religious differences, for example, Christians can be challenged to see the world through the perspectives of others. Challenging ethnic, religious, and racial stereotypes in the prevailing culture is an important prerequisite to the establishment of a climate based on mutual respect and tolerance.

3. Creating space for dialogue. Many Churches are already involved in inter-faith efforts. Keeping these lines of communication open is particularly important in situations where there is tension -- or the potential for tension -- between religious communities. In some ethnic/political conflicts such as that in former Yugoslavia, political leaders may try to use religious differences as a way of mobilizing sentiment against a particular ethnic or political group. But when spaces exist for religious leaders to meet, to make joint statements, or to point to the underlying causes of such efforts at political manipulation, tensions may be defused.

Similarly, when tensions are evident between social or ethnic groups, the Churches may be able to address them -- before they take a violent form. Once violence has broken out -- once people have been killed or uprooted and property destroyed -- it is always more difficult to address the underlying tensions. Thus in Africa, the Nairobi Peace Initiative has made important contributions to the prevention of conflicts by facilitating dialogue between ethnic groups before tensions escalate into armed conflict. These efforts may begin by identifying conflict-resolution resources within a given culture. To be effective, however, initiatives to address social, racial or ethnic conflicts usually need to be sustained over time.

4. Monitoring emerging conflictual situations and alerting the international community. Churches are well-placed to be alert to situations where violence is likely to break out, thus serving as an early warning system. The mainstream media are more likely to report on stories of wars and other open conflicts rather than on emerging situations of tension. By providing an alternative source of information -- based on the grassroots reality -- the Churches can provide an important service to the international community. Churches and related groups monitoring the situation in East Timor, for example, predicted the likelihood that the popular consultation there could result in widespread violence.

While this "early warning" role is important, it is equally important that the Churches and the international community generally be prepared and willing to take "early action" before the conflicts escalate. Unfortunately, it is always easier to mobilize international attention and action after violence has escalated than beforehand. At present, for example, Churches and others are warning of the potential for major conflicts in various parts of Indonesia. But so much attention is being directed at East Timor and at other international crises that there seems to be insufficient political energy to take the necessary preventive actions.

5. Establishing mechanisms for timely and appropriate Church intervention in conflict situations. When conflicts break out, international Church and ecumenical bodies are usually able to respond quickly with statements and letters to the concerned churches and relevant political authorities. However, other types of action usually require more time. Thus in the case of the Kosovo crisis, when NATO began bombing, WCC and the Conference of European Churches, together with global confessional bodies, were able to agree on the content of letters to the member churches and to the UN Secretary-General quite rapidly. However, it took almost a month for the organizations to prepare and carry out a visit to the affected region. It seems that regardless of the degree of early warning, Churches typically find themselves responding to crises in an ad hoc and reactive fashion.

One possibility for overcoming this tendency is to establish means of responding to crises before they break out. Thus the Conference of European Churches is at present considering the establishment of an European Commission for Conciliation in which a group of eminent persons would be identified, trained, and be ready to respond at short notice when a crisis develops. Funds would be raised to support the work of the Commission so that it would be possible to send an appropriate team of persons into a conflict situation immediately -- without going through the time-consuming preparatory steps of identifying resource people and raising money for their travel.

6. Supporting regional civilian bodies as forums for conflict-resolution. Organizations such as the Organization for Conflict and Security in Europe (OSCE), the Organization for African Unity (OAU), and the Asia-Pacific Economic Council (APEC) as well as sub-regional bodies in Southeast Asia (ASEAN), the Horn of Africa (IGAD), and Southern Africa (SADEC) vary greatly in their capacity and willingness to tackle conflicts in their regions. But they offer the hope of regionally-appropriate mechanisms for bringing conflicting parties together, devising equitable alternatives in disputes between nations and intervening where necessary. Thus the September 1999 APEC meeting offers a forum for regional discussions of the crisis in East Timor. Although it has not yet been signed, the IGAD proposal for a resolution of the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea is seen by many as offering the best hope for peace in that troubled region. OSCE deployed unarmed human rights monitors to Kosovo as that conflict escalated. Although the monitors were forced to withdraw in the light of the pending NATO military intervention, one can't help but wonder if their presence would have proven to be both more successful and less costly than the military alternatives chosen by NATO.

7. Supporting appropriate early action by the United Nations. Although the United Nations has had its share of failures and missed opportunities, this global body offers the potential for more creative and sustained intervention for conflict-resolution within the framework of international law than action by either powerful states or military alliances. The Churches have been closely engaged with the United Nations since its very inception and their critical monitoring role is particularly important in the post-Cold War era.

8. Supporting efforts to curb the flow of arms. Although the treaty to ban the manufacture, use, deployment, trade and storage of land mines has been signed by most nations in the world, urgent action is needed to ensure that the provisions of the treaty are implemented throughout the world and that de-mining activities are carried out in mined areas.

Perhaps of equal importance are the growing efforts to halt the proliferation of small arms that have killed millions of people over the last decade. WCC has been involved as a founding member of the International Action Network on Small Arms (IANSA), an umbrella organization which provides a framework for mutual support and information flow between the member organizations. Officially launched at The Hague Appeal for Peace on May 10, 1999, IANSA already includes over 200 member organizations in 40 countries. Such a diverse membership means that the issue is approached in a holistic way, including: campaigning for an international code of conduct on arms exports; reintegrating former combatants into society; eliminating the conditions that foster reliance on guns for private self-defence; public education initiatives to tackle the glorification of gun violence; raising awareness of the impact of small arms; and community development and disarmament. Many Churches around the world are actively working to reduce violence through microdisarmament in their communities. Thus the Churches in Brazil worked hard to get a ban on the use of small arms in the country and in June 1999, the Assembly of Deputies in the state of Rio de Janeiro approved a law banning the commerce of small arms throughout the state.

9. Promoting reconciliation. When a conflict comes to an end -- whether through a military victory by one of the warring parties or through a negotiated settlement, the international community usually responds by facilitating the repatriation of refugees and providing some support for reconstruction. And yet, the most urgent need to ensure that peace is sustained is for reconciliation, which is a natural area for Church engagement. And yet reconciliation involves a diverse and complex set of related tasks including justice and accountability, forgiveness, repentance and creation of new relationships based on trust and mutual acceptance. In some countries, such as Guatemala and South Africa, Truth Commissions were set up to enable both those who committed violent acts and the victims of violence to tell their stories. But in many situations where conflicts have been brought to an end, there is a push to "get on with reconciliation" and to bypass the steps of admission of responsibility for violent actions. But unless there is a feeling among the public that justice has been achieved, reconciliation is difficult to attain. And history is full of examples where a group defeated in war harbours resentment against the "victor" -- resentment which festers and lays the groundwork for the next conflict. As one Church leader in the Balkans says, "We have too much history in the Balkans -- history which has not been resolved and which generates the next conflict."

In recognition of the essential role of justice and accountability for reconciliation, the international community has moved in recent years to establish International Tribunals for Rwanda and Bosnia. And yet the reality is that such war tribunals are usually established by the victors and may not have much credibility among the aggrieved parties. Moreover, progress in preparing and trying cases has been agonizingly slow in both Rwanda and Bosnia. There may be other, culturally-appropriate means of meeting the need for justice and accountability -- as evidenced in South Africa's experiment with the Truth and Justice Reconciliation Commission. As Henry Steiner says, "The very purpose of truth commissions can be not only reconciliation among different groups, but also the creation of a moral framework for a different kind of society." (Henry Steiner, Truth Commissions: A Comparative Assessment Boston: Harvard Law School Human Rights Program, 1997.)

The suggestions outlined above hopefully provide an illustration of the ways in which Churches can do more to prevent conflicts from breaking out. But there are many other creative actions that can be taken. The 8th Assembly of the World Council of Churches committed the Churches and the WCC to working for peace through an Ecumenical Decade to Overcome Violence (2001-2010). It is the hope of WCC that Churches around the world will respond to the violence in their communities -- by taking concrete actions to overcome violence -- and thus to prevent the tragic uprooting of people around the world.