Different countries have tried
different ways to deal with a violent past. Forgiveness is
necessary, but for most people truth and justice must come
first, writes SUPARA JANCHITFAH
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Ramkoli Raskoti, like many other
women in Nepal, has been left destitute since her
husband was killed. She and her children need long-term
healing and social assistance. — Photos by SUPARA
JANCHITFAH |
Two thirds of the
Nepalese population live in poverty and marginalisation,
left to fend for themselves while the communists and
the upper echelon fight for power. |
In the book Nineteen Eighty-Four, George Orwell asserted
that "whoever controls the past controls the future." This
is well worth considering, as the ability to interpret and
manipulate the past allows for the justification of
political and social agendas in the present.
Many thought that the apology from interim Prime
Minister Surayud Chulanont to those who have been most
affected by the deep-rooted troubles in the South would
have a greater effect on stemming the violence. The apology
from the PM was a brave action, and it was significant that
the head of the government was showing accountability for
actions taken under previous governmnents. It was a good
beginning, but apparently a more thorough examination is
needed to set the record of the past straight and begin a
resolution of the unabated conflict.
One of the root causes of the violence in the deep South
is the bitter past experiences of many Malay-Muslims in the
southernmost provinces, such as the forced assimilation
which began more than 100 years ago, in 1902, when Pattani
was incorporated into Thailand. This history has been used
by many different groups. For example, the trouble-makers
who stir up the bitterness to justify their cause or to
mobilise people to their side. Peace advocates also point
to this history to explain why there is resistance in the
deep South today.
There are also a number of more recent incidents that
are being used by some groups in particular to stir up
violent resistance to the Thai authorities. The forced
disappearances, extra-judicial killings and other measures
outside the law which are widely believed to be used by
state officials with impunity - as well as the larger-scale
Krue Se Mosque and Tak Bai incidents - are being used to
instigate violence against the powers-that-be. The violence
may be an ongoing phenomenon, unless these injustices are
addressed and no longer ignored.
The example of the post-apartheid government of South
Africa to lead the transitional justice process has been a
model and an inspiration to many other countries which have
also seen the exercise of abusive and unjust power. South
Africa's Truth Commission probed the fresh wounds left by
the brutal apartheid system so that the healing could
begin. Amnesty was granted to those who fully disclosed
their crimes if they were politically motivated.
In his book, No Future Without Forgiveness, Nobel
laureate Desmond Tutu pointed out that even perpetrators,
"despite the awfulness of their deeds, remain children of
God with the capacity to repent, to be able to change."
For Tutu, the future is a theological reality that
manifests as communities narrate and fully confess the
past. This is because "the act of telling one's story has a
cathartic, healing effect."
The idea has its strengths and also its weaknesses.
There are many who argue that a Truth Commission may have
worked well in South Africa, but wouldn't somewhere else,
and that often it is best to "let sleeping dogs lie" -
i.e., some episodes of the past should not be investigated
or revealed to the public as they will only stir up fresh
sorrow and violence.
Others argue that ignoring the past ultimately causes
more psychological pain, which some day may be manifested
as violence, than leaving it undisturbed.
Thailand has thus far not elected to follow the example
of South Africa's Truth Commission to address the situation
in the South. The closest thing has been the National
Reconciliation Commission, appointed by former prime
minister Thaksin Shinnawatra to study the problems and give
advice and recommendations on how to solve them.
Among its recommendations, released in June 2006, are
the introduction of Islamic law, making ethnic Pattani-Malay
(Yawi) an additional working language in the region (a
working language is different from an official language;
English could be considered a working language in
Thailand), establishment of an unarmed peacekeeping force
and a Peaceful Strategic Administrative Centre for the
Southern Border Provinces. The present government is
reviewing the recommendations and has set up the
Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces.
PEACE BUILDING IN MALUKU
What can we learn from the measures implemented in other
countries to come to a reconciliation with our painful
past? Their experiences might be useful for understanding,
adoption and prevention, perhaps allowing Thailand to avoid
a web of even deeper tragedy. Several such measures may be
useful here.
A regional conference on "Sustaining Peace in Nepal,"
organised by Fredskorpset (FK), Norway and a Nepalese human
rights group, Informal Sector Service Centre, was held
recently in Kathmandu.
Ichsan Malik, from the Peace Building Institute,
Indonesia, pointed out that those who want to use a Truth
and Reconciliation Commission such as the one initiated in
South Africa must have "strong political will and strong
leadership, such as that provided by Nelson Mandela and
Desmond Tutu." He believes that such a commission would be
too difficult to implement in Maluku, Indonesia, because
there is no comparably strong leader.
As well, in his opinion, truth and justice imposed by
the Western world cannot be implemented in Maluku because
the justice system has collapsed.
"People involved in the justice system have fled Maluku,
and even police forces are torn between the Muslim and
Christian viewpoints."
In spite of the enormous obstacles, the Peace Building
Institute has persevered in its search for answers to the
troubles in Maluku, which started on January 19, 1999, a
day remembered as the bloody Idul Fitri. The conflict began
between a local driver and an immigrant from Bugis in the
Batu Merah area, and quickly spread throughout the province
of Ambon, resulting in a large-scale exodus of Muslims to
areas outside of Ambon.
Every aspect of life in Maluku became clouded with
religious issues. "The whole of Maluku collapsed,
everything was divided into Christian and Muslim, each
group willing to fight to defend their own faith," said
Malik.
He noted that everyone is involved in the conflict, and
that its source was exploitation by the elite and the
politicisation of religion.
Now, whole communities are conditioned to experience
prolonged trauma, and people proceed with their lives in an
environment of discrimination and resentment.
Malik observed that when a conflict is triggered by
religious sentiments, energy lying dormant will spill over
to cause a great disaster. He doubts that a permanent
solution can be achieved by interfaith values in Maluku.
Yet he is determined to find a way to stop the violence.
Malik started his work by actively researching who the
actors in the conflicts in different places were, analysing
the situation and mapping out a plan of action. He then
started to implement the plan.
A crucial step in his peace-building effort was to
establish Community-Based Groups, so that people could take
part in finding their own solutions. He said his
peace-building institute understands the necessity of
having strong networks in society to promote actions which
support peace.
Thus, along with South Africa's Truth Commission, the
approach taken by the the Peace Building Institute - to
investigate causes and work with the people of a society
coming out of violence - is one which may be of interest
for Thailand.
TRANSITION IN NEPAL
In June, Nepal's government agreed to dissolve
parliament and form a temporary coalition with the Maoist
(Communist Party of Nepal) rebels who had been waging an
insurgency in the Himalayan kingdom for the past decade.
The Maoists pledged to also dissolve a rival "people's
government" operating in the areas they control.
Nepalese Deputy Prime Minister K.P Sharma Oli said at
the regional conference that Nepal is undergoing a
transition to the peaceful resolution of the conflict,
following the restoration of democracy through the People's
Movement in April of this year, after widespread street
protests. Nepal's new government is comprised of the Seven
Party Alliance.
The decade-long armed conflict forced the Nepalese
people to face a reality of day-to-day violence and human
rights violations (see related story), and also brought
about complex challenges for their traditionally
sustainable lifestyle.
More than 14,000 people were killed, and many people
became internally displaced. The deputy PM said the key
challenges in building peace in Nepal are arms management
and related issues, as well as drafting a new constitution.
"The government is committed to establishing a permanent
peace in the country by bringing the Maoists into the
competitive political process," he added, but he admitted
that challenges still abound.
Sharma said the building of a sustained peace cannot be
done without providing adequate justice to the people
affected by the violence.
"Any peace accord which does not redress the sufferings
of victims and provide for truth and reconciliation
initiatives is liable to unravel," he said. Therefore,
sustainable peace calls for "reconciliation initiatives
that sufficiently address the concerns of the victims of
the conflict," he added. He also stated that the plight of
the internally displaced persons should receive priority
attention. (see related story)
Sushil Pyakurel, former commissioner of the Nepal Human
Rights Commission (NHRC), also addressed the conference. He
said there is a need to seek justice for the
disappearances, extra-judicial and other merciless killings
and rapes, and uphold the rights of victims. In order for
this to happen the rule of law and the independence of
national institutions such as the NHRC must be established.
As well, the "arbitrary actions of the non-state actors and
the absolute muteness of the state" must be addressed.
He stressed that many victims are not easily able to
forgive those who violated their rights unless they face
the consequences of their actions through a transparent and
fair legal process.
He believes that to achieve sustainable peace and end
the cycle of violence is impossible without guaranteeing
the rights of all in the process.
"Besides those killed, tens of thousands of Nepalese
were forced to flee their homes during the 10 years of
fighting, after attacks or threats from the Maoists or
state security forces," he said. Some internally displaced
persons want to return to their villages, but hundreds
remain missing and their fate is a point of argument, he
added.
Locals in the remote village of Nepalganj believe
discussions of a sustainable peace should address the
problems and the grief of the locals before any schemes for
sharing power.
Norita Chand, 43, whose husband was allegedly killed by
Maoists four years ago, said, "I can forgive those who
killed my husband when they reveal why they killed my
husband."
She said that he had never done anything wrong, and was
never associated with any vices. "Why did they kill him?"
she asked.
Her sentiments are shared by Angkhana Neelapaijit, the
wife of a missing Thai human rights lawyer.
Forgiveness is something she wants to do when the truth
about her husband's case, as well as other similar cases,
has been revealed and the perpetrators are taken to task.
"Sustainable peace won't last long without justice," she
said.
